Preface to Practical Logopsychology (1998) [2nd ed.] by ████ Thorn and █████ Włonsky
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RAISA (Records and Information Security Administration) has declassified portions of the following text under Code 192-DCLS for the purpose of "making available defunct, inaccurate, outdated, or compromised texts for general usage, research, and analysis by Foundation assets and Foundation-approved affiliates" in compliance with §4.11 of Protocol AXNN-53 ("Declassification of Internal Research").

PRACTICAL LOGOPSYCHOLOGY (1998)

████ Thorn and █████ Włonsky

CONTENTS

Foreword   1

Preface   2

Chapter I: Theory and practice   5

Chapter II: Logomemetic primers throughout history   112  

Chapter III: Practical categorization of primers   196

Chapter IV: Constructing command primers in the field   245

Chapter V: Usage of primers in the Creation   355

Chapter VI: Administration of command primers to large populations    533

Chapter VII: Textual demonstration of logomemes    634

Chapter VIII: Command primers in modern society   636

Chapter IX: Obeying the Words   811

Appendix    1211

START OF DOCUMENT

This is the beginning of the Preface to Practical Logopsychology (1998). Declassification of Chapters I and II are pending review by RAISA. This text may be defunct, inaccurate, outdated, or compromised, and is published here purely for referential and archival purposes. Personnel are advised to exercise standard memetic and cognitohazard precautions, although the following section has been fully sanitized.

Preface

The study of logopsychology can be briefly described as the study of interactions between words and the human psyche [Reedy, 1986]. The peculiar cognitive macroflaws of Homo sapiens sapiens, neurological heuristics crafted through evolutionary development, have long been exploited, from confidence artists to performance entertainers to politicians [Laurens, 1993], including confirmation bias and the bandwagon effect, which the reader may already be aware of. Only until recently has modern science been capable of categorising and systematising the microflaws of human neurology, which exist on a more basal, implementational level [Laurens, 1994; Kahneman & Tversky, 1973]. So why exactly are memetes (exploitable cognito-efficacious environmental stimuli) most commonly found within the written and spoken word? Why not perhaps visual stimuli? Or olfactory stimuli? Or non-speech aural stimuli?

During the course of our investigations, we have been able to propose only tentative possibilities as to the unusual statistical distribution of currently-known memetes.

Perhaps it is a bias within the investigation of possible memetic agents - afterall, it is easier to find twelve sounds which produce a cognito-effect once concatenated, rather than to find fifty thousand sine waves or sixteen million colours or a precise arrangement of molecules which produce a similar effect [Reedy, 1989]. Typically, the discovery of a memetic agent is commonly made through generating random word-lists, exposing them to test subjects, observing cognitive effects, and optimising on the basis of morphemic characteristics [Włonsky, 1991] [Reedy 1992].

However, a more intriguing possibility is that the effectiveness of a logograph-type memetic agent is due to the construction of the human mind itself. Consider the relative recentness of civilization as modern anthropologists have come to understand it - systems of writing were invented at least eight thousand years ago [Tyrelson, 1975], while the facility for speech and communication was likely developed hundreds of thousands of years ago [Tokigaishii, 1997]. It therefore seems that writing was grafted onto pre-existing cognitive facilities. The ability to convert printed symbols into units of meaning is not an innate ability, it is an ability specific to modern civilization, a unique ability which our minds have been honed towards [Gibson, 1975]. Therefore, it seems, as with any graft, it may not be a perfect fit, and there may be exploitable gaps. Interestingly, the frontal lobe facilitates speech, reading, and the fine motor control necessary for writing, suggesting that abstract, advanced communication as a cognitive skill seemingly unique to humans, is highly localized within a certain area, despite the immense superficial disparity [Patricks, 1993].

Many researchers [Yotta, 1997] have suggested that the nature of cognito-effective logographs may be due to specific design by the [REDACTED AS PER PROTOCOL AXNN-53] who [REDACTED AS PER PROTOCOL AXNN-53]

From experience, the reader will know that many words carry immediate emotional charges (connotations). For instance, politician suggests duplicity and untrustworthyness, whereas statesperson carries a functionally identical meaning while having almost exactly the opposite connotation. Likewise, slim suggests health, whereas thin suggests that the person in question is not in good health [Oppler, 1954]. We daily manipulate this tangle of meaning to suit our purposes, not only communicating as a means to transfer our states of mind, but communicating in order to influence the state of mind of another person in a way congruent to our social intentions. If we have a sufficiently advanced model of the mind of another, we can craft our language so as to trigger a particular state of mind within them [Patricks, 1983].

This immediately appears to extend the range and scope of the field of logopsychology. We are, it seems, investigating all environmental combinations which produce an effect in conscious minds. However, logopsychology is primarily concerned with the exploitation and analysis of written and verbal communication in order to induce a state of mind otherwise unachievable simply through manipulating traditional logographic stimuli. This is achieved through the usage of non-word memetes, which carry no meaning, yet seemingly inexplicably induce a powerful state of mind. For instance, subjects categorized as 1DD-G (we refer to the Appleby-Halfshott psychographic method) will generally follow most commands issued to them after hearing the command memete "d͡ʒɛʒʲʀʔʃɛ̃æʲʒð", while test subjects categorized as 1AC-K to 11HH-J often experience extreme drowsiness upon hearing the emotional primer "ʐɐ̌ʰʁçʷəʏʑ".

There are two varieties of memetes, general memetes and specific memetes. General memetes are extraordinarily rare, and are effective for (almost) all members of the human population, whereas specific memetes are plentiful and are only effective for a small psychographic subset of the human population. In all cases, general memetes are difficult to recognise, as in some sense, they exploit the parsing mechanism of the human brain and escape conscious perception. General memetes may even be morphologically obscured in written text, appearing between the boundraries of words, such as "unprohibited churning" (as a Foundation asset, the reader will likely be vaccinated against this particular g-class memete), the effects of which will often be inadvertently activated through subvocalization. This makes general memetic vaccination very helpful for researchers cataloguing memetes, as logographical cognitive agents tend to have a carry-over effect whereby successful conscious recognition of stimulus as a memete will result in easier recognition of similarly-constructed memetes.


[SECTION CURRENTLY UNDER REVIEW BY RAISA]

Chapter I discusses the theoretical basis of logopsychology, bringing to light recent advances in morphemic deconstruction, automatic metadeformation, and memetic derivation from Proto-Indo-European root-words.

Chapter II examines usage of logomemetic primers throughout history, providing context for the usage thereof. In Chapter II, we critically analyse the usage of logographical cognitive agents during the Cold War, in several religious and political texts, and by [REDACTED AS PER PROTOCOL AXNN-53] to control His [REDACTED AS PER PROTOCOL AXNN-53]. Furthermore, we show that the so-called "universal command primer" as conceived by Yotta, 1997 is not validated by current models. [Note from RAISA: this is inaccurate — current models suggest the existence of a universal command primer.]

Chapter III introduces the reader to the categorization of primers, including command primers, emotional primers, hazardous primers, and antiontological "identity-destructive" primers.

Chapter IV explains how Foundation field-operatives may construct individualized command memetes tailored to ethnographic and linguistic categories.

Chapter V discusses the implications [REDACTED AS PER PROTOCOL AXNN-53] in the Creation of [REDACTED AS PER PROTOCOL AXNN-53]

Chapter VI lays the basis of discourse surrounding the progeny of [REDACTED AS PER O5 ORDER 1019]

Chapter VII demonstrates [REDACTED AS PER O5 ORDER 1019]

Chapter VIII [REDACTED AS PER O5 ORDER 1019] exercises His control [REDACTED AS PER PROTOCOL AXNN-53]

Chapter IX [REDACTED AS PER PROTOCOL AXNN-53] and His Children.

END OF DOCUMENT

This is the end of the Preface to Practical Logopsychology (1998). Declassification of Chapters I and II are pending review by RAISA. This text may be defunct, inaccurate, outdated, or compromised, and is published here purely for referential and archival purposes. Personnel are advised to exercise standard memetic and cognitohazard precautions, although the following section has been fully sanitized. He crafted His Children to obey Words, and His Children obey the Words.

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